The intricacies of currency are of little interest to most people. Hyperinflation changed much of this for Zimbabweans. Fear of the very idea of a local currency runs deep, and for now, many people are comforted by the country’s use of various foreign currencies, including the US dollar and South African Rand. With the growing economic role of China in Zimbabwe and the world in general, a surprisingly contentious debate about adding the Yuan to the currencies used has arisen. The article ‘To Yuan or Not to Yuan, That Is the Question’ represents a particularly irrational take on the subject.
‘From downtown shops that stock cheap clothing and shoes
that fall apart after one wear, to mining concessions in platinum, gold and
diamonds - the Chinese finger is now in virtually every Zimbabwean pie,’ the Inter
Press Service article begins.
The ‘Chinese finger’ is now in virtually every world pie,
not just in Zimbabwe.
‘If some senior government bureaucrats have their way, the
country could soon find itself adopting the Chinese Yuan as its official
currency. For some influential monetary policy czars, the massive assailing of
the Zimbabwean economy by the Chinese now only requires the Yuan to strengthen
these economic reconstruction efforts. Late last year, Reserve Bank governor
Gideon Gono, seen by many as a close ally of Mugabe, announced he was in favor
of having the Chinese Yuan as the country's official currency.’
This is a breathtaking falsehood to appear on a reputable
news/analysis outlet like IPS.
Gono did NOT advocate for the Yuan to become Zimbabwe’s
‘official currency.’ He proposed that it should be considered as the country’s
reserve currency instead of the US dollar. That is quite different from being
the ‘official currency’ in terms of day to day use. Even the reserve currency
idea is controversial and was shot down by most people who chose to comment on
the issue. But it is an argument that is going to be more frequently heard
around the world as China
continues its astonishing economic rise.
Others have made the milder suggestion that the Yuan be
adopted as part of the mix of foreign currencies currently in use, with or
without a new local currency as well. There are varying views on this as well,
but the IPS article is particularly disturbing for its blatant misstatement of
the public discussions on the Yuan.
One thing the author of the article does do very well is to
present the deep anti-China prejudice in many people, in Zimbabwe
as well as in many African countries and beyond. The size, force and suddenness
of the Chinese presence have unsettled many people.
He writes that the Chinese were ‘invited by President Robert
Mugabe as part of his infamous 2004 "Look East" policy to participate
in driving the economy and employment
creation, after relations with former traditional investment
partners the European Union and United States
soured.
Was/is Mugabe’s ‘Look East’ policy ‘infamous?’ According to
whom?
As for Mugabe having ‘invited’ the Chinese, the Chinese have
a strong presence in many African countries without a specific pro-China
policy. The Chinese can be said to be everywhere they are in Africa
by being ‘invited’ by the governments, even though many ordinary people have
very mixed feelings about it.
But more importantly, a rising China
is simply an unavoidable global phenomenon that no country has the choice to
ignore. The choice is not really whether to have dealings with China
or not, but simply the nature of those dealings, and even then, economic
imperatives speak louder than ‘choice.’
The author writes of the ‘the massive assailing of the
Zimbabwean economy by the Chinese.’ He makes it abundantly clearly he considers
the Chinese a sinister force, and he would have no trouble finding many people
who shares that view. However, if the Chinese are ‘assailing the Zimbabwean
economy,’ they can be said to be doing the same to the Zambian economy, the
Gabonese economy and countless others where they have a strong presence. How
fair and objective is to talk of their ‘assailing’ these economies? They are
not forcing their way into these countries, nor are they forcing the consumers
who express such antipathy towards them to buy the ‘cheap clothing and shoes that
fall apart after one wear.’
In mentioning Mugabe’s poor relations with the West, the
author explains that as the reason for the strong Chinese presence in Zimbabwe.
But that is only partly true. The Chinese presence in neighboring Zambia,
which has excellent relations with Western countries, is just as strong, and
received with just as mixed feelings as in Zimbabwe.
The fact of the matter is that many of the sectors the
Chinese have established themselves in are areas where Western countries have
no interest. In Zambia,
the Chinese ‘assailed’ and revived the country’s key copper industry after
Western companies had pulled out, citing the sector as unviable. With the
totally different investing orientation of the Chinese, they were able to make
that industry viable. It is for reasons like this that the Chinese are dominant
in so many sectors, whether the country has good relations with the West or
not, and whether the country has an ‘infamous Look East’ policy or not.
We are told about how the Chinese are ‘unpopular with Zimbabwe's
industrial and
commercial players, and general members of the public who
accuse the Chinese of poor labor practices and shoddy goods and services.’
There are probably relatively few places where the Chinese
can be said to be ‘popular.’ Almost everywhere in the world, and in almost any
sector they are involved in, the Chinese are able to out-compete all comers,
for all kinds of reasons. That quality which makes them so powerful and
dominant also understandably also contributes to their being seen as a huge
threat. This is an issue that ‘industrial and commercial players’ in rich
industrialized countries are struggling with as much those in poor, low
productivity countries like Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Indeed, ‘poor labor practices and shoddy goods and
services.’ are frequently heard complaints about the Chinese everywhere, not
just in Zimbabwe.
Despite its staggering economic development, China is a repressive country
where many of the ‘rights’ taken for granted in a differently repressive
country like Zimbabwe do not exist, or are poorly respected. With the balance
of investing power hugely in their favor, the Chinese bring their workplace
culture to countries like Zimbabwe
more than they adhere to domestic laws.
Ironically, the mix of political repression and economic
dynamism is precisely part of what gives the Chinese such a huge advantage
everywhere they are. Worker rights and safety issues are downplayed, saving
time and costs, allowing even more undercutting of the competition. All these
things will improve in China,
whether or not the improvement is also transferred to business practices in the
country’s poor investment destinations, like Zimbabwe.
A country like Zimbabwe,
on the other hand, has a relatively highly developed sense of work safety and
worker rights, but a productivity that is a small fraction of that of China.
This presents a built in workplace cultural clash. To the Zimbabweans the
Chinese employers are unfeeling slave drivers; to the Chinese the Zimbabweans
are demanding but lazy workers. The Chinese are involved in similar cultural
workplace clashes in many other countries where their whole orientation to
life, business and work is largely at odds with those of more laid back
cultures. The Chinese are highly motivated, disciplined and in a hurry in a way
very few other cultures presently are. All those are part of their formidable
advantages, but also part of why they are so widely feared and resented.
The author of the awful IPS article does not bother to
interrogate any of these issues, and is content to just spew the popular
anti-Chinese fear and prejudice. He vents his emotions, but he does not
particularly inform or educate.
The opinions of two economists are sought out.
Unfortunately, they are asked to comment on the false claim that there is a
suggestion from anybody for Zimbabwe
to ‘adopt the Chinese Yuan as its official currency.’ This renders what might
have been their otherwise interesting perspectives on the irrelevant. Both
point out why it is not presently practical for Zimbabwe
to adopt the Yuan as the country’s official currency, which no one has done.
In Zimbabwe
as in most of the world, the effect the rise of the Chinese will have on many
aspects of life is a huge talking point. It is a subject that will not soon go
away and deserves attention and serious discussion. It is shocking and
regrettable that the IPS article serves this serious matter so poorly and
prejudicially.
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